Nonviolent Conflict Resolution on Bougainville - A Vision Nine months ago, I joined Australian Humanitarian Aid for Bougainville (AHAB), in Melbourne. Since then I have had the opportunity to work with a wonderful, functional group of people trying to stop Australia's involvement in the war on Bougainville, and I have been able to develop new activist skills at a rapid rate. One question that has troubled me throughout that time, however, is "what is our relationship with the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA)?" While we privately talked about the fact that we did not support the BRA's use of violence, we did not publicly make any statements about it at all. This was largely because of our close relationships with members of the Bougainville Interim Government (BIG) and Bougainville Freedom Movement, both groups being linked more or less to the BRA. We have close personal relationships with these people and also have used them as our main source of information regarding current events on Bougainville. I recently started work at the International Women's Development Agency (IWDA), and talked to women there who gave me information about women's groups on Bougainville and their current perspectives on the conflict. Hearing women's voices for the first time since my involvement in the issue made me realise the limitations AHAB had placed upon itself by relying on only one (masculine) source of information. This is not because I believe the information that comes through BRA sources is fundamentally incorrect, but because their words have an emotional bias towards showing violent struggle against oppression to be heroic, effective and justified. I believe that this prevented us from clearly envisioning a nonviolent solution to the war and the conflict on Bougainville. The part AHAB plays in trying to end Australia's support for the war is, I believe, strategically valid, considering the nature of Australia's role and our geographical location. However, we have not been looking to find nonviolent allies on Bougainville itself, or to work out ways of supporting nonviolent groups and initiatives there. We have been, in a sense, one very isolated group of nonviolent activists working on one very small part of a very large nonviolent strategy, with no sense that we could link with existing groups who may be able to achieve other important strategic goals. Because of this sense of isolation, my vision for the future until now has been 'the end of the war through Australia's withdrawal' rather than the resolution of the underlying conflict on Bougainville. I accept that it is necessary to have a concrete, achievable purpose for ourselves as a small, focussed campaign group. However, the limits of this vision have made it difficult for me to see beyond the possibility of the BRA 'winning' as PNG withdrew. It has also made it difficult to make judgments about the extent to which the BRA has contributed to both the level of direct violence and the entrenchment of the idea of 'violence as a solution' on Bougainville. So, I have been thinking hard, and have begun to develop a wider vision. These are only my initial thoughts - an attempt to draw some broad lines and see the different groups who might be involved in this struggle. These ideas are my own, not those of AHAB as a whole - members of the group have different conceptions of nonviolence and we are only just beginning to discuss the new issues I have raised in the light of our differing feelings and perceptions. This vision is based on the theories and social analysis of principled nonviolence. From my perspective, 'violence' refers to all 'power-over' relationships (eg. patriarchy, the state, capitalism, racism ...) and nonviolence refers to relationships where people have 'power with' one another. Nonviolence theory recognises that all people have power - the power to noncooperate with systems of control, and the power to build creative alternatives to power-over structures. Nonviolent practice encourages judgment of people's behaviour, while retaining respect for the inherent worth and human rights of every person. My vision: 1) The immediate, physical violence of both warring parties has to stop, so that the underlying causes of the conflict can be addressed. 2) The notion of 'reconciliation' currently being used is inadequate unless it encompasses the intention to bring about true conflict resolution between all the parties directly and indirectly involved in the war. 3) The structural violence imposed on Bougainvilleans by the nation states of Australia and PNG and by multinational economic interests needs to be a) recognised, b) resisted nonviolently and c) transformed through a constructive program. From my point of view, the immediate, physical violence now occurring on Bougainville is only an extension of the violence inherent in Western economic, political, social and cultural structures (and possibly in structures within traditional Bougainvillean culture also), and so I do not believe that the cessation of the war will bring about 'peace' - it is only the first step. a) Structural violence needs to be recognised: * by Bougainvilleans (Many of them do recognise it, as can be seen by the history of women's nonviolent resistance to the mine, the stated aspirations of the BRA and BIG, and the sense gained from a number of sources that Bougainvilleans generally want at least some degree of political and economic self-determination.) * by Australian NGO's * by the public of Australia and PNG. Acknowledgment of structural violence includes the recognition that the armed forces of PNG, whether disciplined or not, cannot be considered a force for peace - they are being used to control local people through the threat of violence or the promise of protection through violence. Even if all Bougainvilleans accepted the PNG military as 'peacekeepers' (which is highly unlikely considering the fact that they are a primary party in the war), the PNG Defence Force would not be assisting in the development of true peace, freedom and self-determination for communities on Bougainville. 'Military peacekeepers' are a contradiction in terms (even though they may appear to play a role in lessening the level of physical violence at certain times). b) Active nonviolent resistance to both immediate, physical violence and structural violence needs to be undertaken: * by Bougainvilleans * by Papua New Guineans * by Australians Some activities which could be undertaken, or are already being undertaken are: * the strategic nonviolent campaign being run by Australian Humanitarian Aid for Bougainville in Australia designed to end Australia's military contribution to the war. * the development of groups in PNG who could work to convince PNGDF soldiers to withdraw their support for the war. * support for the development of nonviolent approaches to conflict resolution on Bougainville; for example: - support for the work women are doing to convince the BRA that violence is not an effective (or moral) response to the violence of PNG and Australia; - support for the local development of strategies for nonviolent resistance to ongoing control by the PNGDF, PNG Police Force, PNG government structures and activities carried out by multinationals. c) Transformation through a constructive program: This program would be made up of projects which foster the use of new and traditional decision making structures, processes and outcomes which are grassroots in nature - ie. that are community/human needs based. (In effect the types of projects initiated/supported by NGO's such as IWDA and Community Aid Abroad.) Initially, a significant part of this work may include trauma counselling (dealing with people's emotional needs). If this work is to contribute to true resolution of the conflict, it needs to be done within the context of empowering individuals and communities to take control of their lives, rather than for the purpose of "healing" individuals to the point where they can bear to live, for a time at least, within the bounds of structural violence. This is the first time I have considered the role NGO's might play in the situation on Bougainville. From my point of view, NGO's are somewhat (considerably?) hampered by the fact that they work in cooperation with government structures which are fundamentally opposed to the empowerment of people. I also understand the reasons why NGO's such as IWDA choose to do this and I can see the evidence of real empowerment that their projects achieve, despite these limitations, so I am interested in exploring the possibilities of their role further. In conclusion Now I am faced with the question of how I might personally be involved in working towards my vision - what are the practicalities around the different elements and where might I put my energy? As yet, I have no clear answers. My vision is long term - the structures of violence to be overcome are immense and strongly defended by those elite groups who benefit from them. My vision is idealistic in my hopes for the eventual achievement of a nonviolent world, but realistic in the timeframe in which I expect this to happen. Anita McKone